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(Almost)
Perfectly Equipped European Failures – The Case of Roma
by
Valeriu Nicolae
Missed Opportunities
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A
Commissioner for ethnic and religious minorities
Background:
Few
analysts challenge the idea that the main social problems and a
significant part of the economic problems in
Europe
stem from tensions related to extreme nationalism, social exclusion and
racism against different ethnic and religious groups. However, the
well-documented ethnic and religious tensions in ex-Yugoslavia,
Turkey
,
Spain
,
France
, the
UK
,
Cyprus
, the Baltic Countries and Transnistria are not necessarily the most
serious issues. The riots in February 2004 in
Slovakia
involving the Roma population in Eastern Slovakia resulted in the
largest deployment of army troops since the Second World War and had
many commonalities with the riots in the autumn of 2005 in
France
. The fact that Roma continue to be the most rejected European ethnic
minority, according to polls in EU member states, should be a serious
reason for concern not just in speeches but also in the actions of the
EU institutions.
The
Commission often publicly complains that in the case of ethnic and
religious exclusion, racism and discrimination, member states need to do
much more but are reluctant to do so. At the same time, there is no
clear cut portfolio within any DG, or even a Unit within the European
Commission, to work on these issues, although there are units dealing
with gender, disability and sports issues.
The
Commission puts a considerable amount of money and human effort towards
combating gender and disability discrimination.
It places the rights of the child high on its agenda. But, comparatively
from a financial and human resources point a view, the European
Commission addresses discrimination on ethnic and religious grounds only
marginally.
Anti-Gypsyism,
as well as anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, are rampant and deeply
ingrained in Romanian and Bulgarian society.
Extremist parties are flourishing in both countries: Ataka
and Romania Mare
are well represented in the national parliaments. Hate speech as well as
violent attacks against ethnic and religious minorities are still often
reported. Together the two countries almost doubled the number of Roma
in the European Union and brought a significant Islamic minority within
the borders of the European Union.
Commission reports of 2005 for Bulgaria and Romania included a phrase that
was both unprecedented and non-typical in the usual indirect and
diplomatic language of the EC: “The Bulgarian/Romanian
authorities should demonstrate, at all levels, that the country applies a
zero-tolerance policy on racism against Roma or against any other
minority or group and that this policy is
effectively implemented.”
In
late 2005 and during 2006 we witnessed tens of incidents proving that
the zero-tolerance policy was far from being implemented by governments
in both
Bucharest
and
Sofia
. In fact, flagrant violations of this policy were far from isolated
incidents as we witnessed Anti-Gypsyism in the stadiums, on the
political scene and in mass media.
The
last report on
Romania
in 2006 included a reference to decreasing “institutional discrimination and violence against Roma”. The
Bulgarian report said the same thing but with a more ambiguous wording.
It would be a serious stretch of imagination to believe that Romania or
Bulgaria would have been allowed to join the European Union if any level
of “institutional discrimination and violence against French, German
or British nationals (for example)” existed, even if it was reported
to be on the decrease..
With
the notable exception of discrimination, racism and violence against
Roma and minorities, each of the other main concerns of the European
Commission (justice/corruption, agriculture, competition) is directly
under the control and monitoring of a Commissioner and at least a few
dedicated units work on these issues.
Since
the Constitutional fiasco in
France
and the
Netherlands
in 2005, the Commission has talked about ways to reconnect to its
citizens. The Economist, in
its “Charlemagne” articles, had often underlined the need of the
European Commission to make itself better known and address issues that
matter most for the average European citizen.
The
quite insipid new portfolios allocated for
Bulgaria
(Consumer protection) and
Romania
(Multilingualism) hardly do anything in that direction. It would have
seemed logical that at least one of the two new Commissioners receive a
portfolio linked to ethnic and religious minorities.
On
November 15, 2006, the leader of the European Socialists in the European
Parliament, Mr Martin Schulz, strongly criticized the decision of the
Commission to give the Romanian Commissioner the portfolio of
multilingualism, describing it as “skimpy,” and proposed instead a
portfolio for minorities. The Commission chose to ignore this
recommendation.
In theory, the Commission has no political allegiances, but in practice the
Commissioners are very careful to preserve their political support in
their countries.
Tackling issues related to racism, exclusion and discrimination has
proven to be sensitive in the past, as a significant percentage of the
European electors still struggle with racist and xenophobic prejudices.
The European Commission seems to follow the political lead and has taken
an indirect approach to tackling ethnic and religious discrimination.
The Commission rarely seems prepared to take a strong stand in this
area.
These
factors seem to signal that the European Union is reluctant to seriously
tackle issues related to ethnic and religious minorities despite all
signals saying it should do otherwise.
The
Commission had a great opportunity to name a Commissioner on ethnic and
religious minorities at the end of 2006. The next such opportunity will
come only in 2009.
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